Articles: Weaving a Future, Building a Dream:
Modification in Hand Weaving and Dry Stone Wall Construction of
Gleann Cholm Cille, County Donegal, Ireland

by Susan G. Moody
Mentor: Dr. Samuel Couch

Introduction:

During the last century traditional folk-crafts in the regional parish of Gleann Cholm Cille, County Donegal, Republic of Ireland have changed. Two of the most traditional of these local skills, hand weaving and dry stone wall construction, experienced extensive modification in a variety of areas. While alterations in the finished product provide the most obvious view of this change, they represent only a small portion of the total modification process. Changes in fabrication methods, creative design, and construction technologies all play major roles in remolding these crafts. Responding not only to the pressures of modernization, but also to a community eager to preserve its local heritage and stimulate its economic growth, these crafts were revitalized and redefined in an attempt to incorporate them into the backbone of the community’s economic base (McDyer, 93). Traditional crafts, once worked to suit the taste of a single individual, are now created for their marketability and visual appeal (Hoad, 79). Fence structures built to separate and enclose now serve as cultural links between generations. Weaving variations appear in production methods and in the acquisition of raw materials. Factories now supply the yarn used in local weaving. It once was homespun. Machine powered cutting tools and modern cements reshaped the traditional skills used in dry stone construction. Reworked and redefined, these vocations of the past now serve to preserve and revitalize the present (Cuinneagain, 4). The focus of this preliminary study is threefold: 1) to examine the changes that have taken place over the last century in the traditional folk-crafts of hand weaving and dry stone wall construction, 2) to explore the local factors associated with these changes and, 3) examine some effects these modifications had on this rural community. Data for this study was gathered in Gleann Cholm Cille between June 22, 1999 and July 8, 2001.

Background Geography and History

The parish of Gleann Cholm Cille is a small rural farming community located in the southwest region of County Donegal, Republic of Ireland. A Gaeltacht region, Gaelic was spoken as a first language here until the mid 1900s. Set back into the mountainous landscape of Ireland’s northwest coastline, Gleann Cholm Cille’s landscape is a combination of some of Ireland’s most rustic yet picturesque terrain (O’Cuinneagain, 1,3). A quote by a local priest found in Eugenia Shanklin’s Ethnography, Donegal’s Changing Traditions, illustrates this contrast well, “ When God was creating the Earth, he had used up most of the fertile land by the time he got to Donegal…. So he compensated by giving us all the scenery he had left over; we got cliffs rising out of the sea, high mountains, waterfalls, and white beaches…”(3).

During the 17th and 18th centuries, the region’s rugged topography combined with its limited accessibility isolated it from many outside influences experienced by other regions in Ireland. It was this isolation that allowed many of the area’s local traditions and folk crafts to remain unaffected by the influence of the outside world. In this setting Irish culture and traditional life ways were preserved- held in a kind of trust for the future.

In the Gleann, fertile land has always been scarce (Shanklin, l, 7). The agricultural resources are limited. The high acid content of the soil combined with an unusually rainy climate makes the small farm holdings particularly difficult to farm (Gallagher, Prendiville and Robinson, 7). “As late as the1880s much of the Gleann’s economy remained primitive” (Hoad, 3). Although farm rent was relatively low, “the only source of income, besides the produce of the farm, was the ninepence a day available to a man earned for working on the roads and the one penny a day available to a woman for embroidering” (Manning, 78). With rent to pay and employment opportunities almost non-existent, by the early 1900s emigration was common throughout the Gleann. By the mid-1950s, young people were leaving the area at an alarming rate (McDyer, 48).

In 1951, Father James McDyer came to the impoverished farming parish of Gleann Cholm Cille, to serve as curate priest. There he found a community, although rich in Irish tradition and cultural pride, “dying” for the lack of jobs. The young people of the area were being forced to leave and find employment elsewhere. One woman who was in her twenties at this time expressed this migration pattern to me saying, “The way it was normally, was each child would leave as they left school, and the last would usually take the parent with them”(Informant 1, Personal interview, 29 May, 2001). Father McDyer understood that without available jobs there would be no hope for the survival of this community. He vowed to work to establish an infrastructure that would provide employment to this region and thereby halt this migration (Dyer, 48). As expressed by one of my informants, “He wanted to improve the living conditions of everyone in this area and he wanted to do it in such a way that it would preserve the rich traditions and heritage” (Informant 1, Personal interview, 29 May, 2001).

During his lifetime he spearheaded several ventures aimed at providing an economic base to accomplish these dreams. One of his last achievements was the construction of the Gleann Cholm Cille Folk Museum. Dedicated in 1967, the Folk Village continues to draw many tourists to the area. (Dyer, 93.) Tourism is important because it provides a real economic base for the community and serves to educate the world about Ireland’s heritage. Hundreds of “day trippers” visit the museum during the summer months. One gentleman associated with the museum told me, “the number of visitors increase every year”(Informant 2, Personal interview, 1 June, 2001). This increase makes it difficult for him to keep the teahouse and craft center staffed during the summer. As he pointed to the young, female tour guide who appeared to be around seventeen or eighteen he said, “The village employs a good amount of the school children looking for jobs during the summer like [this young lady] who has worked with us for a couple of years now”(Informant 2, Personal interview, 1 June, 2001). He explained the problems caused when tourism to the “Village” creates a demand for increased staffing just around the time these young people take their exit exams from school.

Father McDyer’s entrepreneurial spirit continued in 1984 when the Oideas Gael Language Institute opened at Gleann Cholm Cille. Established “with the objective of strengthening the local economy through language and cultural interventions.” The Institute rapidly expanded to “become a vibrant and strong economic force in the … region of Gleann Cholm Cille” (Oideas Gael, 2-4).

In 1993 and in 1995 the school sponsored two community projects aimed at training local people in the “traditional skills” of hand weaving and dry stone wall construction (Oideas Gael, 5). Implemented not only as a means of creating employment opportunity, these classes were intended to serve as a way of passing on the traditional skills of these crafts. In the case of hand weaving, the ancient skills of natural dyeing, carding and spinning were blended in tapestry weaving to create an art form deeply rooted in the area’s traditional past. (Oideas Gael, 5). One of the local tapestry weavers explained to me that during the course she was taught the steps necessary to make the yarn used in her art (Informant 3, Personal interview, 4 June, 2001). They (the weavers) were even taught how to dye wool using an outdoor fire.

Stoneworkers participating in a similar project learned ancient, stone fence construction techniques. They were taught these skills not only as a way of preserving the craft, but also in the hope of creating “an awareness of the economic opportunities in the culture/heritage areas”(Oideas Gael, 80). It was hoped that the traditional look of the dry stone constructed fences could be incorporated into modern construction designs creating a demand for this building skill. Modifications were made in the craft for this purpose. These changes were confirmed by an interview with two local residents. Both talked at length with me concerning their disapproval of the modifications made in this craft. One ended our conversation with the statement, “Those really aren’t traditional fences, they are just built to look like them” (Informant 4, Personal interview, 6 May, 2001).

These projects’ main goals were to generate employment opportunities in the Gleann by teaching the people traditional skills that would produce a finished product that was both marketable and profitable. To achieve these goals, some modifications had to be made in the methodology of the crafts. These changes are visible in the crafts today. Whether traditional, modern, or both, the people of the Gleann remain proud of the culture heritage manifested in craft production. They believe that as these crafts are used in the present they are also preserved for the future. History will tell if this belief is true, and if tradition can supply community need.

Methodology:

As cultural researchers interested in understanding the multitude of cultural variation in the world, it is recognized that change is inevitable. Adaptation is a defining term of culture. While change can be observed in all aspects of a culture, modifications to physical objects such as local crafts are especially easy to recognize. Understanding the reasons these changes occur presents challenges. To achieve the broadest possible understanding it is important to examine all aspects of change. Collier and Collier point out, “…A cultural inventory can go beyond material items to become a detailing of human functions...”(72). Inevitably, it is through cultural change a society adapts to the environment and provides for its needs (Haviland, 730). Change in the local craft culture will reflect the needs of the community. The community’s perception of its needs will be reflected in local craft modification.

The preliminary data used in this study was collected using established qualitative field research methods of participant observation, semi-structured interviews, archival research and literary review. Before beginning the research two questionnaires were developed. Each questionnaire consisted of ten questions. One questionnaire was developed with questions tailored for more traditional craft persons and the other was designed to be used by craft persons engaging in more modified craft styles. A coding system grouped the responses into broad categories. Literature addressing the history of the area and the folk crafts was reviewed. I was fortunate to have had an associate living in Gleann Cholm Cille community. Before I arrived on site, I contacted him asking for help with my project.

During a two and one-half week stay, in 2001, in the community of Gleann Cholm Cille, I attended several local functions. In addition, I participated in a weekend class offered at the Culture Institute. During these events I spoke with as many people as possible and asked them both generalized and specific questions related to my research topic. Field notes were kept on these contacts and reviewed and coded as time permitted.

Personal interviews were developed at first from a list of possible contacts provided to me by my associate in the Gleann. I began with phone contacts, basic introductions, and then moved on to scheduling interviews. As I arrived at the appointment location, I introduced myself again and took a few minutes to explain my research project. I took notes during the interviews and made audio recordings when possible. After completing the interviews, many of the people provided me with names of other people they thought I should contact. Even the parish priest took the time to set up an appointment for me with the “local church historian.” In all, eleven semi-structured interviews were conducted during this data gathering phase of my research project.

Local business establishments served as contact points for informants. Dinner at one of the local restaurants provided several opportunities for me to talk with both the owner of the restaurant and visitors to the Gleann. At the local pub I spoke with a gentleman who considered signing up for the dry stone fence construction course offered at the Culture School. I walked almost everywhere I went or caught a ride with the few local people I came to know in the Gleann. This slow means of transport allowed me to talk with the people along the way. It also provided an opportunity to “go native,” traveling as most of the locals. I kept field notes of all my meetings, took photographs, and video recorded some of my observations.

Analyzation of the data collected from this project revealed patterns of change in both the hand weaving and dry stone fence construction of the area. It also revealed some of the reasons these changes were made. Interpreting these patterns allows me to group these changes in hand weaving and dry stone wall construction into several broad categories and provides the basis for my observations below.

Modification in Traditional Hand-weaving:

The preliminary data collected during my research permits me to define four main sections of modification within the traditional craft of hand weaving of this area. Modification is noted in the production of weaving materials, the style, creativity, and design of the finished product. Change is also observed in the technology and techniques of weaving and in the choice of production location. Data reveals several changes in craft instruction and skill acquisition. This modification is noted both in the blended craft of tapestry weaving and in remaining cloth production done in the area.

Production of Materials

Research shows the greatest modification to be within the material used to create the craft. Both cloth and tapestry production have incorporated factory spun yarn or thread into their finished products. Traditionally all the yarn used on the loom would have been homespun. In her book, This is Donegal Tweed, Judith Hoad explains the care with which the family’s wool was clipped, washed and carded before being spun into the yarn and thread used by the weaver to produce the cloth (38). Everyone shared in the production cycle and each member of the family had assigned tasks. Men and boys hand-sheared the sheep; the women dyed, carded and spun the wool into yarn and thread. One 72 year-old man I spoke with in the village confirmed this process. He explained how each family clipped its own sheep for the wool used for their weaving. He told me that shearing wasn’t the hard part to him. The worst part was collecting the “crotal” (Irish Gaelic for lichen that grows natural on most rocks) used in the dyeing of the wool. He said, “I would be all day at it, I had a spoon and I wore an apron and scraped it [the moss] into the apron and then from the apron I filled my bag” (Informant 5, Personal interview, 28 May, 2001). Local materials such as “yellow gorse, red fushia, and purple blackberries” were gathered as dyeing agents (www.mageehshop.com 25, June 2001). However my informant told me his family collected heather for purple dye and the “crotal” for yellow. When asked to explain the dyeing process, he told me dyeing was done in a big pot fired by turf. “First you would put a layer of wool in the hot water then a layer of “crotal” then wool then another layer of “crotal” (Personal interview, 28 May, 2001). All this gets boiled together for several hours until the dye is set. The tapestry weavers at Taipeis Gael (the tapestry weaving studio established by the students trained at Oideas Gael Culture Institute) confirmed the dyeing properties of the native flora and dyeing process. He said his mother did all the cleaning and dyeing of the wool, with the help of the children of the family, while his uncle did the weaving. His father, he confessed, “had not the patience to work the loom” (Personal interview, 28 May, 2001).

This data does not suggest that no homespun yarn is used in weaving today. However, data does suggest that since factory yarn is easier to acquire and provides a greater variety of colors it is being used more frequently. Hoad notes that factory spun thread has replaced much of the yarn used in the “warp” (all the longitudinal threads on the loom) of the cloth because it has a more uniform and tighter twist (61). All three tapestry weavers acknowledged they use factory spun yarn in their work. One stated that natural dyed wool would not provide the bright colors she liked to use. An interview with a local cloth weaver revealed that he used factory spun thread exclusively (Informant 3, Personal interview, 4 June, 2001).

Style, Creativity and Design

Style, creativity and design, is another area where modification is easily observed. Traditionally style and design of the cloth was the province of the weaver. Cloth was woven according to the weaver’s taste and the raw materials available to him. This was pointed out to me in an interview with one of the last remaining practicing weavers in the Gleann. When asked how he selected the colors of the cloth, he replied, “ They just come to me. Whatever I like or have at the time, that’s what I put into the bobbin” (Informant 7, Personal interview, 31 May, 2001). By the early 1990s, cottage industry home weaving was a major source of income for many families around the Gleann. The marketability of the cloth was mandated by its appeal to the consumer; retailers provided classes and patterns for weavers to assure that both the quality and look produced a profit (Hoad, 97).

Today, because of large demand for traditional produced goods and the limited number in production all weavers have a considerable amount of creative freedom in the craft. During my tour of the tapestry weaver’s studio, work was being done on two large pieces that had been commissioned by a Belfast church. The original designs were created in the studio and then sent to the church where both tapestry designs were approved for production. This same type of freedom and control can be seen in the way the weavers describe their craft. Each one referred to their work as their “Art” instead of their “Work.” These comments reflect personal control over the creativity used in production and the increased status this craft now holds in society.

Technique and Technology

In modern times change in technology is a given. Modernization can be attributed to many changes seen in the material culture of many regions. However not all modification can be explained by modernization. Within the craft of hand weaving in the Gleann, modification appears in the development of new equipment. While it is true that the addition of metal parts may be seen as merely modernization in action. The addition of tools developed specifically to improve design and creativity is arguably not. At the Taipeis Gael studio, a new loom framing system was designed so several heights of tapestry could be woven using the one loom. While I was visiting with them, one of the weavers demonstrated the use of a fishing swivel to separate the plies of yarn so colors could be blended. They also showed me a new tool created especially for them to use when packing the thread down on the piece (Appendix III, Fig. 1). This same type of technology is present in traditional cloth weaving with the addition of the fly shuttle. Modernization, in these cases, may supply the technology to produce the new tools, but the design is mandated by the change in the craft.

Production location and preservation of the craft

The fourth category where modification is observed combines two changes closely linked to each other. Traditionally this folk craft would be done either in the home or in a small out-building. All weaving would have been done by the male of the household (Hoad, 77). Today in this area, it is hard to find a working loom set up at an individual’s home. One exception to this statement is a gentleman in the village who weaves rugs for sale to the Gleann’s summer tourists. He still has a working loom, which he told me is over 100 years old, set up in a small out-building beside his house. He also conducts weaving demonstrations at two local area locations for the tourist in the summer. When asked if someone else in the area wove at home, he looked at me and shook his head no (Informant 7, Personal Interview, 31 May, 2001). In the case of the tapestry weavers, three of whom are female, all their production is done away from their residence at the studio. This fact is directly linked to the last noticeable change observed in this craft-the ways in which weaving skills are passed on and preserved. A generation or two ago all the necessary skill associated with weaving was transmitted by observation beginning in childhood. Children in the family watched adults working with this craft almost daily. Over time, the skills would have become second nature. It would have seemed natural to take up the craft as one got older. When a young person began weaving they benefited from first-hand observation of and guidance from the adults. This is not the case today. Classes have taken the place of home instruction. When I talked with a local weaver, I asked him who taught him to weave? He replied, “I just picked it up from watching my brother. He was older than me and I think he learned it from one of our uncles” (Informant 5, Personal interview, 28 May, 2001). When asked how many people he had taught to weave, his replied that one guy had came by to learn but he didn’t think he was weaving now. The tapestry weavers on the other hand, give lessons to groups from the local school and offer classes for adults from around the world during the year.

Modification in Dry Stone Wall Construction

The second half of this research focused on modifications made in the traditional folk craft of dry stone fence construction. Similar to the traditional craft of weaving, modifications noted in this traditional craft can be grouped into four general categories. These four categories are: 1) types of stones used in construction along with general fence design, 2) method of production, 3) purpose or use of the finished fence, and 4) a very broad category dedicated to the stone craftsman, craft preservation and production cost.

Type of Stone Used and General Fence Design

Fences built using the dry stone construction method are not seen in great number in Ireland until recently (Anderson, 1). The breakup of the Rundale System (a system of open land communal farming and grazing) by British colonization marks their entrance on the Irish’s landscape (Anderson, 8). Until then most land was open and unfenced (McAfee, 10). When fencing began most rural fences were constructed using stones that were readily available. In the rocky terrain of Gleann Cholm Cille, most of the land surface was covered with rocks or a good supply of stone lay just below the surface. To farm the land, these stones had to be removed. This clearing process made a good supply of stone available for fence construction.

The most traditional style of fence seen in the Gleann is the single-width stone fence (Appendix III, Fig. 4). This fence, built with local stone, usually contains gaping holes that let the gale force Atlantic winds blow through without pummeling the fence’s face. This probably increases the fence’s life. Another advantage of the hole in the fence is that sheep will not attempt to jump this type of fence (McAfee, 102). A traditional stone wall builder told me that he saw this type of fence as being part of the landscape. It (the style of fence) looks like it belongs (Informant 3, Personal interview, 4 June, 2001). This was confirmed when an older informant showed me a picture of an old Irish farmstead. He told me his family’s farm looked very much like the one in the picture. He pointed to the fences in the picture and said, “that’s the way all the farms looked.” The fences portrayed in the picture were all made of field stone. When questioned about the stone construction done for his family, he told me there was one man in the area that was fairly skilled at stone construction and his family would always call him. “He would come if he wasn’t busy,” he said. “But it’s not much to stone work,” he continued. “I built an addition on the house at the farm,” he said. The stone used in the construction were procured at the communal quarry some distance away and packed in using the family’s donkey. “It was an all day job,” he said (Informant 5, Personal interview). There were no cars in the Gleann then and only a few good roads. The data suggest that this procurement process would have been time consuming and labor intensive. Few people would have used this method to collect field fence stones. However the dry stone fences being built today in Gleann use quarried stones exclusively. Photographs taken of several newly-constructed buildings in the area show boundary walls built using “random rubble stone built to course” (McAfee, 13). This means that stones, generally collected from a quarry, are placed in the wall in such a way as to form several vertical layers or courses parallel to the ground. This type of wall has increased in popularity since the 19th century and is very popular today (McAfee, 42). This type of mortared wall is one of the easiest to construct, but because it is constructed using quarried stone this type of wall construction would have been used mainly in the construction of dwellings.

Another area where change in dry stone construction can be seen is in fence style. One good example appears in fence work used by the 1995 stone building class at Oideas Gael. This fence is built using a stone not normally found in the area. The fence’s face curves inwards from bottom to top pulling the top to a point. The look of the fence is very stylized and it doesn’t match any type of structure built nearby. Because of the sharpness at the top of the fence no capstone is used. A capstone (usually a large flat stone placed horizontally across the top of the fence to protect the fence from weathering), is one of the defining marks of traditional Irish dry stone fences. One of my informants made a point of letting me know that there were only two traditional types of capstones used in the Gleann area. One is the long flat stone that covers both sides of a double-width fence and the other is a short upright stone placed back to back along the entire length of a fence (Appendix III, Fig. 3). This modern fence, along with many other styles I observed, although a wonderful example of stone masonry can in no way be termed a traditional dry-stone fence.

Use of the fence

Another area where modification appears is in the area of function. Traditional dry stone fences served as boundary or enclosure walls-holding animals either in or out of planted fields or residential areas. Some were situated so field animals could find shelter beside them during strong winds (McAfee, 104). MacWeeney writes that they were later used as “drying racks, clotheslines, coat-hooks, scratching posts, hiding places for poteen (an alcohol drink), and dumps for weapons (36). Two of the fences built by the dry stone fence construction class at the Culture Institute are open on both ends and serve only as decorative features (Appendix III Fig. 5). This observation was confirmed with the statement of a local man of about 45 years old. While discussing the stone fence class he commented that he had not observed the style of fence built by the students around the area until they (the students) began building. He did not believe they should be called traditional. That stone fences were part of the construction plans of new homes was not a big surprise to him. What did appear to upset him was the use of the term “traditional” in stone construction to generate sales and increase price (Informant 8, Personal interview, 2 June, 2001).

Stone workers, preservation of the craft and cost of construction

The final change in the tradition of dry stone fence construction appears by answering three questions: 1) Who is building the fences now? 2) How much does it cost to build a fence? 3) How are the craft skills being passed along? Today, most stone fences, whether dry stone or mortar constructed are being built by crews of stone workers. These people work together on a project and are trained in the techniques and methods of laying stone. Traditionally this job would have been the work of one man. His family or friends may have assisted him, but ultimately final construction would be the “job” of the individual. Many times one individual would stand out as the local fence builder because of his skill and knowledge in stone construction. This person would be someone who understood the landscape and had a feel for the surroundings. A truly skilled individual that could take a pile of stones and transform them into a welcome part of the landscape (MacWeeney, 137). The oldest stone worker I spoke with summed this up when he said, “There is not a lot to building stones, but there are a lot of people out there building stones that don’t know how ”(Informant 5, Personal interview, 28 May, 2001). Because modern builders have shifted this tradition over to the realm of trade labor, the cost of production has increased greatly. Material delivery cost, heavy machinery, and work crews all drive up the cost of construction. This increase combined with the cost of design mandated by a customer makes a newly constructed stone fence very expensive. A discussion with one of the newly trained stone workmen revealed that the fences he built were priced by the linear foot and could be rather expensive if covering a large run of ground (Informant 10, Personal interview, 6-24-1999). In comparison, traditional fences were mainly built using stone removed from the planting field. These stones would have been free (MacWeeney, 37).

Finally, masonry skills used in dry stone fence construction, as in the case of many of the traditional crafts of the area, are not being taught at home. In the past, boys would help their fathers or other men build these fences. Through observation and hands-on experience, they would learn the skills required to become builders. Today formal class instruction takes the place of observation. Construction projects substitute for the hands-on experience of yesterday (Oideas, 6). Today workers receive certification upon completing their courses and begin work in a studio with a blueprint design. In this way, it is believed that the traditional craft of dry stone construction is maintained and preserved for future generations.

The Effect on the Community:

Small changes in one part of a community can modify other parts of that community. This is especially true in the modifications made in the folk crafts of Gleann Cholm Cille. Economic increase and population growth appear to be strongly influenced by these modifications. Although not directly related to craft modification, increases in these indicators can be directly linked to the awareness these crafts have brought to the region. Modification made to increase marketability and promote interest in the crafts have succeeded (Oideas Gael, 4). Awareness of the landscape and culture of the Gleann has grown as more people drawn by the folk-crafts come into the area. Tourism appears to be one of the driving forces in the local economy. Great numbers of people come into the Gleann for short periods of time each year. Some visitors come on holidays; others come to explore cultural roots. While no one complained about the tourist, two locals expressed concerns about everything focusing around tourism. One lady complained to me that the local store didn’t bother to carry what “we need, they only worry about the tourist” (Informant 12, Personal interview, 31 May, 2001). This may be a genuine concern, during my data gathering visit, travel into the Gleann seemed to revolve around the local Bank Holidays and classes offered at the Culture Institute.

The increase of people in the area is not just limited to tourist. There is a growing trend in the Gleann for outsiders to purchase land and build holiday homes. They use this house for vacation or for weekend getaways in the summer, so the houses remain emptied during the winter. This trend appears to upset many locals. They would prefer to see the houses occupied year round (Informant 11, Personal interview, 30 May, 2001).

Today, one of the biggest fears people have is that outside influence will cause a negative change in their community and way of life. Tourism has increased the economy. Improvements made in the infrastructure draw people of different backgrounds to the area. Their presence brings local change, which may eventually change or modify other local traditions. Many locals worried that this type of change would mean a total lost of cultural identity (Informant 2,11, Personal interview, 30 May, 2001).

Conclusion

Preliminary research data collected during this field study suggest that modification has occurred in the traditional folk crafts of hand weaving and dry stone wall construction in the regional parish of Gleann Cholm Cille. Hand weaving modifications fall into four categories: 1) materials used in weaving, 2) style, creativity, and design, 3) technique and technology associated with production, and 4) production site and preservation of the craft. Preliminary data shows a change in the materials used in craft production. Factory spun yarn and thread has replaced home spun in many instances. The availability and the color variety of factory yarn appear as main reasons for change. Changes noted in the style, creativity and design of the finished product is attributed to increased demand and limited production. Demand is higher than supply. Tool design shows modification in the technology and technique of weaving. A metal packing instrument, designed to pack each thread of yarn tightly down into the body of the work has been developed along with an easily adjustable loom. Change is also noted in the location of production and in the preservation of the craft. Traditional weaving was done in the home with craft skill being passed from generation to generation. Data shows modern weavers use studios, local shops or tourist centers as weaving and formal instruction locations.

Research allows dry stone wall modifications to be grouped into three broad categories: 1) stone use and general fence design, 2) fence use, and 3) stone workers, preservation of craft and construction cost. A change from field to quarried stone, rustic to stylized design, and capped to non-capped tops were noted in modern fence construction. The production of traditional single-width and double-width field stone fences is limited. Modern fences are built with flatter stone in a more uniform manner. Data reveals modification in fence use and purpose. Modern fences are constructed with visual appeal in mind. Diagrams are used for construction and fences are built to achieve a specific look. Research shows traditional fences were built as field or livestock enclosures, providing shelter for field animals. New designs and styles are seen in many of the newly constructed homes across the Gleann. Research also shows modification in the function of the stone workers as well as in fence construction cost and skill preservation. Modern fences are constructed by work crews. Traditional fences are usually built using the talents of a single individual. Field fences cost little to construct because the stone is readily available and friends or family provide additional labor at a minimum cost. Modified fence can be very expensive. Expenses such as power tools and transportation cost make newly constructed stone fence expensive. Data analysis also shows increased modification in the instruction of the craft. Modern fence builders acquire skill in a formalized classroom setting. Class work makes up much of the hands-on received by modern stone workers. Traditional stone workers would have received instruction in the field. The observation and practice gained in childhood providing the craft knowledge used later in life.

As a part of the community’s material culture, traditional folk crafts are used in a variety of ways. More than just material objects, traditional crafts serve to preserve heritage and supply basic needs. As a part material culture, traditional folk crafts must adapt to changes experienced in the community they serve (Haviland, 436). Understanding this process is an important part of understanding the way a society works. This preliminary study supports the need for future research into the modification of traditional crafts of the region.

Note:
Acknowledgements

I would like to thank all the people living in Gleann Cholm Cille, County Donegal, Republic of Ireland who helped me with this project. I would like to give a special word of thanks to John and Mary Cunningham, Liam O’Cuinneagain, Geraldine Breslin, Deborah Stockdale, Jimmy McNielis, Michael Gillespie, Margaret Cunningham, Shane Gillespie, Father James Sweeney, Con O’Gara, Una Blain, Conal McIntyre, Patty O’Donoghue (Big Patty), James Carr, and Margaret Cunningham, Dermont Cannon, Maire McGinley (the tapestry weavers). I would also like to acknowledge all the members of Big Patty’s Bodhran class and everyone associated with the Heritage Village and Culture Center in the Gleann.

I would like to give a special thanks to my wonderful husband Herman T. Moody, Sr. who supported me both monetarily and emotionally during this entire project. With out his loving concerning and unfailing ability to understand even my worst misspelled word this paper would have never been possible.

I would like to say thank you to my mentor Dr. Samuel Couch. If not for all his encouragement and guidance, I would have never attempted this project.

A very special thanks to everyone associated with the Ronald McNair Post-Baccalaureate Achievement Program. Their help and understanding was invaluable.

Works Cited

Books:

Ardagh, John. Ireland and the Irish: Portrait of a Changing Society. New York:

Haviland, William, A. Anthropology. 8th ed. New York: Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1997.

Herity, Michael. Gleanncholmcille: A Guide to 5,000 Years of History in Stone. Bail Atha Cliath: Na Clocha Breaca, 1998.

Hoad, Judith. This is Donegal Tweed. Ireland: Shoestring Publication, 1987.

MacWeeney, Alen and Richard Conniff. Irish Walls. New York: Stewart, Tabori & Chang, 1986.

Manning, Aidan. Glencolumbkille: 3000 B.C – 1885 A.D.. Ballyshannon, Co. Donegal: Donegal Democrat, 1985.

McAfee, Patrick. Irish Stone Walls History, Building, Conservation. Colorado: O’Brien Press, 1997.

McDyer, James. Fr. McDyer of Glencolumbkille: An Autobiography. Co Kenny, Ireland: Brandon Books, 1997.

Shanklin, Eugenia. Donegal Changing Traditions: An Ethnographic Study. New York: Gordan and Breach Science Publishers, 1985.

Articles:

Anderson, James. “The Decay and Breakup of the Rundale System in the Barony of Tirhugh.” Donegal Annual: Journal of the County Donegal Historical Society. 6.1 (1964): 1-37.

Collier, John, Jr. and Malcolm Collier. “Photographing the Overview: Mapping and Surveying.”
Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research Method. New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press, 1986.

Garcia, Maria E. “Ethnographic Responsibility and the Anthropological Endeavor: Beyond Identity Discourse.” Anthropological Quarterly. 73.2 (2000): 89-102.

McKernan, Anne. “War, Gender, and Industrial Innovation: Recruiting Women Weavers in Early Nineteenth-Century Ireland.” Journal Social History 28.1 (1994): 110-126. Penguin Books, 1995.

Sweeney, Nan. “The Vanished Homestead.” Dearcadh: Ardara View 1996-1997: 84-85.

Other Sources:

O’Cuinneagain, Liam. Gleann Cholm Cille Guidebook, Ireland: Foilsith ag Oideas Gael, 1997.

Oideas Gael Profile. Organization material documenting the establishment of several culture project at Oideas Gael Culture Institute, [?].

Raff, Regan and Erin Kelly. “Traditional Craft Today.” 26 Jan. 1998.

Webpage:

Magee and Company Ltd. “About Donegal Tweed.” 25, June 2001. http: www.mageeshop.com/nhandwoven1.asp

Dissertations:

Quinn, Eileen M., PhD. Nostalgia is our future: Self-representational genres and cultural revival in Ireland, Brandeis University 1999), 443 p.

Rising Road Tours
828-648-8893 (Tel) ~ 888-648-8893 (Toll-free) ~ 888-371-8895 (fax)
sam@risingroadtours.com

P.O.Box 9322, Moscow, ID 83843 USA

Home | About Us | Custom Tours | Testimonials | Articles | Links | Booking & Pricing | Contact Us

TOUR DETAILS: A Taste of Ireland | A Taste of Scotland | Celtic Sampler | Ireland North and South | Ireland's Rings | Donegal Southwest by Northeast | Historic Ireland | Saints and Giants | Into the West | Christmas in Ireland | Highland Hill Walking | In The Steps of St. Columba | Birthplaces of Golf | Scotland's Wild North: Shetland and Orkney Isles